Skip to main content

The Watchlist Comes to Takanini


 

The Watchlist Comes to Takanini

A candidate for Parliament, four posts about me, and the crowd that arrives afterwards.

Mohan J. Dutta — Palmerston North

On 12 September 2025 a man who wants a seat in the New Zealand Parliament took a clip of me talking into a camera, put his own caption on it, and sent it to a hundred and fifty thousand people.

The caption read:

Leftist academic, Mohan Dutta, is Professor of Communication at Massey University. Here he runs with Far Left narratives that are both nonsensical and extreme:

Read the punctuation. The sentence ends on a colon. It hands off. Everything after it is me, cropped and captioned and stripped of what came before, and the reader is invited to supply the verdict the writer has carefully declined to spell out.

12 September 2025. 720 likes, 126 reposts, 285 replies, 65 quote posts, 151,000+ views. Also pushed out as a Facebook reel.

Charlie Kirk had been shot two days earlier. I said what I had been saying about him for years: that he built a career out of racialised provocation dressed up as debate, and that the New Zealand Parliament had no business turning him into a martyr. His family is owed grief. No political operator is owed canonisation, least of all in a House ten thousand kilometres from the campuses he worked.

Elliot Ikilei disagreed. He is entitled to disagree. What he did instead of disagreeing is the subject of this essay.

A borrowed vocabulary

"Leftist academic." Say it out loud in a New Zealand accent and listen to how badly it sits. Nobody here talks like this. We have our own insults and they are better. This one arrived by container ship from the United States, along with "Far Left narratives," capital letters included.

It has a specific return address. In November 2016 Turning Point USA launched Professor Watchlist, a public register of university teachers the group judged to be pushing leftist propaganda at their students. The organisation was Charlie Kirk’s. The method was simple and it worked: name the professor, name the institution, attach a clip, publish, and let the audience do the rest. The site never had to threaten anyone. It only had to point.

Two days after Kirk was killed, a candidate in South Auckland ran that protocol on a professor in Palmerston North. The homage was the method.

Three posts, one technique

Two days after the clip came the second post. I had reposted a stranger’s comment in a thread about Kirk’s widow and the Christian conservative revival being announced in his name. Ikilei screenshotted my repost and asked what my "subtle" communication was.

14 September 2025. 6,791 views. The evidence is a repost.

A repost is now evidence. Evidence of nothing stated, which is the useful part, because an implication cannot be corrected. The scare quotes around subtle carry the whole post. He makes no claim about me. He invites several thousand other people to make one, and the question mark is his alibi.

By 17 September he had given up on argument altogether. A Dr Evil GIF, and a line about what he does when I claim to understand ethics.

17 September 2025. 1,754 views, 78 likes. No claim, no quote, no argument to answer.

You can answer a man. You cannot answer a punchline. That is the use of ridicule here. It leaves the position untouched and takes away the standing of the person holding it, so that nothing he says afterwards needs a reply.

Then there is the tag. @MasseyUni, sitting at the front of the sentence in the fourth post. That is the operative act in all of this. These posts are not addressed to me at all. They are addressed to my employer, in front of an audience primed to write in. Anyone who has worked inside a university knows what a hundred emails does to a Vice-Chancellor’s office, and knows how rarely anyone in that office asks whether the emails are right.

What arrives afterwards

The first post pulled 285 replies and 65 quote posts. I had a content analysis run across what could be retrieved of them. It is a sample rather than a census, because the platform does not hand over a whole thread, and the percentages below should be read with that limit in front of them. The shape held across every sample taken.

What came back

— Agreement and amplification — 30–35%

— Personal insult and disgust — 25–30%

— Racial and anti-migrant framing — 12–18%

— Demands that Massey act — 10–15%

— Calls to deport me — 8–12%

No death threats and no sexual threats appeared in any sample taken. Categories overlap; a reply can be counted twice.

Sit with that last line. Between eight and twelve of every hundred visible replies turned an argument about what a professor said on the internet into a question about whether he gets to live in this country. Send him home. Deport him. He is not fit for the privilege of residency. The European far right has a programme with a name for this, and some of its local enthusiasts have already picked the word up. Remigration. It came through the border without a passport.

The racial material does not hide either. Brown supremacist. Agent of the Indian diaspora’s radical intelligentsia. Anti-white papers. A foreigner who moved in and dislikes Kiwis. My favourite is the one dropped in passing: many Indian degrees are forged. A man who has never read a page I have written works out that my qualifications are probably fake, on the strength of where he thinks I come from, and then goes back to lecturing me about academic standards.

Note also what the analysis did not find. No death threats in the sample. No sexual threats. I want to be precise about that, because precision is most of my method, and because the people who run these campaigns will seize on any overstatement and use it for a year. The pile-on stayed inside the law. It never needed to leave it.

The division of labour

Ikilei wrote none of those replies. He does not have to. That is the arrangement, and it is why this style of politics travels so easily across an ocean.

He supplies the target, the name, the employer and the frame. The crowd supplies the language that would end his candidacy if it came out of his own account. Ask him about it and he will say, accurately, that he criticised a public academic’s public statements. He will be telling the truth about his words and saying nothing about what he built with them.

Six weeks on, still reading my timeline

On 27 October he was still at it. I had told Bob McCoskrie that he was spreading hate. McCoskrie had posted a news story about a couple who left Trump’s America for New Zealand, under a jeer about the tolerant left sulking off to another country. Ikilei’s contribution was that I had the wrong day for church and that my sign-off was passive-aggressive. "Classy."

27 October 2025. Six weeks after the first post. The employer is tagged first, before I am.

This is the part people miss when they call these things pile-ons. A pile-on ends. What is running here is a monitoring relationship: a candidate for Parliament reading a professor’s timeline closely enough, six weeks on, to correct him on which day a church service falls. And underneath his post sits the thing he chose to amplify, a photograph of two men and their small boy, lifted off a news site and handed to an audience as a joke about people who do not belong here.

That is the ecosystem. I am just that day’s entry in it.

On free speech, briefly

Everyone in this circuit talks constantly about free speech. I have written at length elsewhere about how the lobby that carries that banner in Aotearoa actually operates, and I will not repeat it here. One observation will do. A candidate who tags a professor’s employer in front of a hundred and fifty thousand followers is exercising his speech in the one manner specifically designed to subtract mine. Nobody in that movement has ever been troubled by this. The door swings one way.

The silence that makes it work

Massey said nothing. It usually says nothing.

Every academic who has been through one of these knows the pattern. The institution that puts your research in its annual report when the work lands well goes quiet when the crowd turns up, and waits for the weather to change. People read that silence correctly, as an opening. The next person who tags the university knows the tag costs him nothing and might work.

A university that takes Te Tiriti seriously, that asks its staff to work on racism, colonisation and power, owes those staff something concrete when the work draws fire. A named person who picks up the phone. A stated position within forty-eight hours. A published standard that says what the institution will and will not do when a political candidate points his followers at an employee. A statement of values will not cover it; a duty of care that staff can actually invoke might.

Why I am writing this down

I learned to argue before I learned most other things. I was nine the first time I stood at a debating lectern, and I spent the next two decades on school, university and regional circuits, and the years after that coaching teams and judging rounds. I know the difference between someone taking my position apart and someone pointing at me.

Not one of these four posts contains an argument. Not one of them engages a sentence I wrote or a claim I made. They contain a label, an insinuation, a GIF, and a complaint about my manners, with my employer’s handle attached. The real text is written underneath by other people, and it says: send him home.

So I am writing it down, with the receipts, where it can be found.

The clip is still up. The replies are still there. I will keep saying what I said about Charlie Kirk, about the politics he practised, and about the people here who picked up his tools while he was still being mourned.

I live in Palmerston North with three generations of my family under one roof. The kitchen is a few minutes from the room where I teach. This is my home, and I am not going anywhere.

THE POSTS AND SOURCES

Elliot Ikilei, 12 September 2025 — x.com/ElliotIkilei/status/1966414155537317910

Elliot Ikilei, 14 September 2025 — x.com/ElliotIkilei/status/1967031786434949607

Elliot Ikilei, 17 September 2025 — x.com/ElliotIkilei/status/1968241606768889923

Elliot Ikilei, 27 October 2025 — x.com/ElliotIkilei/status/1982731039090070005

Professor Watchlist, launched by Turning Point USA, November 2016 — snopes.com/news/2016/11/22/professor-watchlist-monitors-anti-american-leftist-educators/

Elliot Ikilei: New Conservative deputy leader 2017–2020, party leader for six weeks in late 2020, candidate for Manurewa (2017) and Takanini (2020), announced as a New Zealand First candidate in June 2026 — en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elliot_Ikilei

Popular posts from this blog

The Haka, the Hurt, and the Work We Owe

  The Haka, the Hurt, and the Work We Owe An Indian in Aotearoa reflects on resistance, complicity, and the solidarities we have yet to build Mohan Jyoti Dutta I watched the haka. I watched it several times, in fact. Each time, I tried to sit with what I was feeling before reaching for what I was supposed to think. Let me be honest about who I am in this conversation, because that matters. I am an upper caste, upwardly mobile Indian man. I am a professor at a university in Aotearoa. I carry the accumulated privileges of Brahminical socialisation, of English-medium education, of institutional access that was never designed for the communities I now write about and alongside. I say this not as confession but as orientation — because where you stand shapes what you see, and I have learned, through years of working with communities at the margins, that the refusal to name your own location is itself a colonial habit. The haka directed at Parmjeet Parmar did not offend me. It ...

The Suit Walks the Corridor

  The Suit Walks the Corridor At ten past nine on a Monday the corridor on the top floor of the administration building fills with the sound of expensive shoes. The carpet up here was laid in the last refurbishment and still gives slightly underfoot, the way a good hotel lobby does, and the doors along it close with the soft, well-engineered thud of a German car. Along this carpet, in the direction of the lift marked Executive, comes the suit. It comes in navy and in charcoal, in the odd daring pinstripe, in the female version too, a tailored jacket over a silk shell, and heels that announce themselves on the tile of the lift lobby a full three seconds before the person arrives. The suit carries a flat white from the good cafe, the one that closed the student cafe to open, and a lanyard that swings with the confidence of a thing that opens doors. The suit passes the framed founding professors, who were photographed in gowns and look, at this distance, like a row of disapproving pe...

Whiteness, NCA, and Distinguished Scholars

In a post made in response to the changes to how my discipline operates made by the Executive Committee of the largest organization of the discipline, the National Communication Association (NCA), one of the editors of a disciplinary journal Rhetoric and Public Affairs (RPA), Professor Martin J. Medhurst, a Distinguished Scholar of the discipline, calls out what he sees as the threat of identity (see below for his full piece published in the journal that he has edited for 20+ years, with 2019 SJR score of 0.27). In what he notes is a threat to the "scholarly merit" of the discipline, Professor Medhurst sets up a caricature of what he calls "identity." In his rhetorical construction of the struggles the NCA has faced over the years to find Distinguished Scholars of colour, he shares with us the facts. So let's look at the facts presented by this rhetor. It turns out, as a member of the Distinguished Scholar community of the NCA, Mr. Medhurst has problems with w...