Skip to main content

Churches Under Siege: Hindutva and the Assault on Christian Life in India

 

The inside of Sacred Heart Church in Narayanpur village in the Bastar district of India’s Chhattisgarh state, which was attacked on Jan. 2 following a conflict between indigenous people following animist religion and those following the Christian faith. (Photo: supplied)

Churches Under Siege: Hindutva and the Assault on Christian Life in India

This post signals the release of a new CARE working paper on religious freedom in India and the lived experiences of Christian communities under Hindutva.

On Christmas Eve in 2025, a mob stormed Magneto Mall in Raipur, tearing down festive decorations and intimidating staff, using a state-wide bandh as cover to attack the visible presence of Christians in public life. Days earlier, in Kanker district in Chhattisgarh, a dispute over the burial of a Christian tribal man turned into an organized riot. Mobs attacked the grieving family, burned down a home and three church buildings, and clashed with police. A family seeking to bury its dead became the target of coordinated violence.

These scenes anchor a new CARE working paper on religious freedom in India, drawing on documented evidence of the sustained assault on Christian communities through 2025 and into 2026. The paper reads these events through the culture-centered approach, situating the violence within the broader Hindutva project of manufacturing a homogenized Hindu nation.

The numbers tell a story of escalation. The Evangelical Fellowship of India's Religious Liberty Commission verified 747 incidents of hostility, intimidation, and violence against Christians in 2025, up from 640 in 2024, and a dramatic rise from the 147 cases documented in 2014, the year the Bharatiya Janata Party came to power. Uttar Pradesh and Chhattisgarh consistently reported the highest numbers, states where stringent anti-conversion enforcement converges with active mobilization by Hindutva organizations such as the RSS, VHP, and Bajrang Dal. The incidents span physical assaults on worshippers, the burning of Bibles and church property, the disruption of Sunday services and private prayer meetings, and social boycotts that cut families off from water, work, and community life.

The Christmas season served as a flashpoint. In the weeks surrounding Christmas 2025, monitoring groups reported over fifty incidents. Across Assam, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan, nativity scenes were destroyed and carol singers harassed. The pattern reflects a deliberate campaign to erase Christian observance from public space, to mark Christians as outsiders in the nation of their birth.

Alongside the street-level violence sits the machinery of law. As of early 2026, thirteen states have enacted so-called Freedom of Religion acts. These anti-conversion laws have become primary instruments for restricting minority religious life. Terms like allurement and inducement are defined so loosely that charitable work, the provision of free education, healthcare, or humanitarian aid, can be criminalized. The laws reverse the burden of proof, forcing defendants to establish their innocence against unsubstantiated claims lodged by third-party complainants with political agendas. The process itself is the punishment. Even when charges are eventually dropped, the cycle of detention, bail hearings, and court appearances inflicts lasting social, economic, and psychological harm.

The culture-centered approach directs our attention to the interplay of structure, culture, and agency. Read through this lens, the attacks on Christians in India cohere as a systemic nationalist project rather than a scattering of random acts. Hindutva works to equate Indianness exclusively with Hindu identity. By labeling Christian practice as foreign and anti-national, Hindutva organizations relegate Christians to conditional citizenship, a citizenship perpetually under suspicion, perpetually required to prove its loyalty. This is the everyday work of epistemic violence. Nationalist rhetoric erases the histories of tribal and Dalit Christians, framing their faith as a colonial import, and in doing so justifies the dismantling of the community structures that offer education, support, and solidarity to those at the margins.

The state is present throughout as a structural enabler. When police stand by as mobs attack prayer gatherings, and then move swiftly to prosecute the pastors who were attacked, the message is unambiguous. The legal and policing apparatus validates the ideology of the attackers and signals that the state participates in the cleansing of religious diversity from the public sphere.

My own work documenting Hindutva, in India and in its diasporic circuits here in Aotearoa, has taught me that these projects of erasure travel. The disinformation infrastructures that render Christians as threats in Chhattisgarh are kin to the networks that target critics of Hindutva across the diaspora. Naming the ideology, tracing its structures, and centering the voices of communities living under its violence is the work of public scholarship.

The working paper closes with the question of transformative agency. Responding to this assault requires more than documentation. It calls for the strengthening of voice infrastructures, the community-anchored networks of legal, social, and emotional support that sustain those facing erasure. Christian communities across India are building precisely these infrastructures, often at great risk, and their organizing offers the ground from which any meaningful defense of Indian pluralism will emerge.

The Supreme Court of India is currently weighing the constitutional validity of anti-conversion statutes. Whatever the Court decides, the struggle underway is larger than any single judgment. It is a struggle over who counts as a citizen, whose histories are honored, and whose lives are rendered disposable in the making of the Hindu nation.

The full CARE working paper is available on the CARE website.

The working paper compiles publicly reported evidence as of early 2026, with data subject to final audits by the respective monitoring bodies.

Popular posts from this blog

The Haka, the Hurt, and the Work We Owe

  The Haka, the Hurt, and the Work We Owe An Indian in Aotearoa reflects on resistance, complicity, and the solidarities we have yet to build Mohan Jyoti Dutta I watched the haka. I watched it several times, in fact. Each time, I tried to sit with what I was feeling before reaching for what I was supposed to think. Let me be honest about who I am in this conversation, because that matters. I am an upper caste, upwardly mobile Indian man. I am a professor at a university in Aotearoa. I carry the accumulated privileges of Brahminical socialisation, of English-medium education, of institutional access that was never designed for the communities I now write about and alongside. I say this not as confession but as orientation — because where you stand shapes what you see, and I have learned, through years of working with communities at the margins, that the refusal to name your own location is itself a colonial habit. The haka directed at Parmjeet Parmar did not offend me. It ...

Whiteness, NCA, and Distinguished Scholars

In a post made in response to the changes to how my discipline operates made by the Executive Committee of the largest organization of the discipline, the National Communication Association (NCA), one of the editors of a disciplinary journal Rhetoric and Public Affairs (RPA), Professor Martin J. Medhurst, a Distinguished Scholar of the discipline, calls out what he sees as the threat of identity (see below for his full piece published in the journal that he has edited for 20+ years, with 2019 SJR score of 0.27). In what he notes is a threat to the "scholarly merit" of the discipline, Professor Medhurst sets up a caricature of what he calls "identity." In his rhetorical construction of the struggles the NCA has faced over the years to find Distinguished Scholars of colour, he shares with us the facts. So let's look at the facts presented by this rhetor. It turns out, as a member of the Distinguished Scholar community of the NCA, Mr. Medhurst has problems with w...

The Substack and the Slur: How a Manufactured Crisis Toppled a Wahine Māori Political Editor

  The Substack and the Slur: How a Manufactured Crisis Toppled a Wahine Māori Political Editor On the architecture of the Aotearoa culture-war machine, and the danger it poses to a democracy heading into 2026 There is a particular cadence to the afternoon on which the career of a senior Māori journalist  at TVNZ is finished. It is unhurried. It begins with a tweet — in this case, a single image of a typed statement, posted by Maiki Sherman, the now-former political editor of TVNZ, on the afternoon of Friday, 8 May 2026, announcing that she had parted ways with the broadcaster. The post was terse, dignified, and final. As RNZ later reported , Sherman wrote that the scrutiny of the previous week had placed enormous pressure on her and rendered her role "untenable." The first wahine Māori to lead a major broadcaster's political team was gone. The story that finished her had not, ten days earlier, existed in any newspaper, on any wire, on any website you would consider mai...