Skip to main content

The Whisky-sipping, gender-bending, Kolkata radical


In reading the names that have formalized and given voice to the hushed conversations about sexual harassment by radical-posturing academics in Raya Sarkar's List, one is struck by the repeated appearance of a particular kind of elite, the highly networked Kolkata elite.

This elite, inaugurating the posturing conversations of postcolonial and Subaltern Studies, occupies a radical space in the Kolkata imaginary, and by extension, the desi imaginary.

One striking feature of this elite class is its access to spaces of radical posturing simply by virtue of being born in upper middle class, highly mobile, Convent-educated Kolkata families, with an ancestral history of prostrating to their British colonial masters.

Often educated at posh Kolkata English medium private schools that afford access to the art of language trapeze, networked in by parents working in Ad agencies and multinationals, offered pathways by parental connections into elite Kolkata universities, and groomed in the establishment Calcutta and Bengal Clubs, this elite category is highly mobile, from Kolkata to New York.

This or that "dada," this or that "mesho" or "mashi" opens up the connections to other networks of privilege and entry into this parochial club.

For most of its life, this elite class grows up with utter disdain for or complete cognitive erasure of the poor that live in shanty towns and squatter colonies right outside the posh New Alipur and Ballygunge Phari homes. The rural only appears in its Shantiniketan culture tours.

By extension, the organized Left of Bengal is entirely absent or derided in its registers.

This class is born with the birthright to its version of urban radicalism, postured in listening to John Lennon, learning to play guitar as one composes radical-sounding Bangla rock, and theorizing its radicalism in marijuana parties. Gender bending is one extension of this bourgeoisie position, performed from elite privilege.

Highly parochial and exclusive, the elite club puts up a wide range of barriers to any outsider. Talking in elite tongue that recirculates all the way to New York via London, various strategies of exclusivity are strategically cultivated. And then when in New York or London, some chic-sounding pretense of solidarity with displaced farmers becomes the perfect recipe for the entry pass to other elite circuits.

Devoid of questions of class struggle and structural transformation, this elite group finds refuge in performing its radicalism in the marijuana parties, whisky addas, Calcutta club gatherings, Foucault, and Derrida.

The ongoing conversations on desi versions of sexual harassment open up a window into the faux radicalism of this Kolkata radical.

Popular posts from this blog

The whiteness of binaries that erase the Global South: On Communicative Inversions and the invitation to Vijay Prashad in Aotearoa

When I learned through my activist networks that the public intellectual Vijay Prashad was coming to Aotearoa, I was filled with joy. In my early years in the U.S., when learning the basics of the struggle against the fascist forces of Hindutva, I came in conversation with Vijay's work. Two of his critical interventions, the book, The Karma of Brown Folk , and the journal article " The protean forms of Yankee Hindutva " co-authored with Biju Matthew and published in Ethnic and Racial Studies shaped my early activism. These pieces of work are core readings in understanding the workings of Hindutva fascism and how it mobilizes cultural tropes to serve fascist agendas. Much later, I felt overjoyed learning about his West Bengal roots and his actual commitment to the politics of the Left, reflected in the organising of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), a political register that shaped much of my earliest lessons around Global South resistance, collectivization, and orga...

Libertarianism, the Free Speech Union, and the Life of Disinformation

The rise of the far-right globally is intertwined with the globally networked power of libertarian think tanks, funded at the base by the global extractive industries . In this blog post, through an analysis of the disinformation-based campaign I have personally experienced since October 2023 mobilised by the communicative ecosystem of the Free Speech Union (FSU), I will attend to the lifecycle of disinformation in libertarian networks, arguing that the disinformation ecosystem is invested in upholding both white supremacy and extractive capital. The FSU’s investment in disinformation I argue that the FSU is invested in producing and circulating disinformation. In response to my analysis of the hypocrisy of the Free Speech Union (FSU) that positions itself as a champion of free speech in Aotearoa while one of its co-founders, council members and spokespersons David Cumin (who is also one of the key actors representing Israel Institute of New Zealand) actively targets the freedom of a...

Zionist hate mongering, the race/terror trope, and the Free Speech Union: Part 1

March 15, 2019. It was a day of terror. Unleashed by a white supremacist far-right terrorist. Driven by hate for brown people. Driven by Islamophobic hate. Earlier in the day, I had come across a hate-based hit piece targeting me, alongside other academics, the University of Auckland academic Professor Nicholas Rowe , Professor Richard Jackson at Otago University, Professor Kevin P Clements at Otago University, Dr. Rose Martin from University of Auckland and Dr. Nigel Parsons at Massey University.  Titled, "More extremists in New Zealand Universities," the article threw in the labels "terror sympathisers" and "extremist views." Written by one David Cumin and hosted on the website of the Israel Institute of New Zealand, the article sought to create outrage that academics critical of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid are actually employed by universities in New Zealand. Figure 1: The web post written by David Cumin on the site of Israel Institute ...