Skip to main content

Who owns the Data? Sharing and knowledge in the social sciences

Early in my academic career, as a fresh assistant professor who had the privilege to be introduced to strong networks of industry professionals by my Professors, I once found myself in the midst of an ethical quandary.

I had worked with a private organisation and worked through a nationally robust dataset to arrive at what I felt some pretty interesting conclusions: That mainstream health campaigns often reach out to those that are already healthy was one of the conclusions of this work. Therefore, I concluded, large numbers of health campaigns, with an information-driven focus and with emphasis on information-based channels, are often likely to reach out to those that are already healthy. It is somewhat the problem of preaching to the choir. Now, I thought these conclusions were novel and was truly excited about them.

What followed after the piece was published however was something I didn't expect. My research contact at the organisation wrote a  stern email to me, perhaps forgetfully including the long thread of emails from the organisation's leadership asking for the partnership to be terminated. That was one of my early insights into the politics of academic research. That research is often framed to serve the agendas of the status quo was one of the early insights that I had gleaned from this experience and that later continued to be confirmed through various other experiences in the social sciences. The irony in this scenario lies in the presumed role of research in serving the status quo rather than in interrogating the taken for granted assumptions, grounded in data.

The leadership of the organisation would probably have been happy had I concluded, irrespective of what the data suggested, that health interventions work. This was after all the business they were in, the business of doing interventions. And for this business, asking critical questions, or asking principled questions grounded in "good science" were unacceptable.

I have since learned much more about the politics of funding. Who funds the research has a lot to do with the nature of the work one can do, the constraints within which the work operates, and the questions of ethics that are raised by the work.

Now what happens when the funder of the work is the state? For state funded work, it is the money of the taxpayer that is at work here. So who owns the data that is gathered through state funded work? Is it the state agency funding the work? Or is it the public? If it is the public that is funding the work through the state, what is the accountability of state agencies in making the work public? More importantly, if the data are funded by the state, should the data not then be made available to the public? Making data publicly available also keeps the state-funded social sciences accountable to the public. I would hope that the kind of answer that emerged from my earlier work would not be censored by the state because the state by nature ought to be accountable to the public. I would also hope that such findings would catalyse the state to reconsider its efforts of investing large sums in ad agencies and PR firms for carrying out information-driven messages. I would hope that such data would question the very ideology of information-driven health communication campaigns where the powerful sender diffuses the health innovation to the recipient and the role of the agency is to come up with sexy messages that would fill the information deficit.

But this is where the realm of practice across states varies dramatically. So although India has funded large scale data gathering initiatives, these data are not easily accessible in the public. The same holds for many other countries. In the absence of such data, it is next to impossible to question state policies and programs, the success of such policies or programs, the effectiveness of the dollars spent, and/or the values that guide the policies and programs put into place. For a progressive model of governance, it is important to make data available for public participation. By working with and through such data the public are able to co-participate in the processes of knowledge production and in the creation of solutions that are grounded in the data.

Popular posts from this blog

The whiteness of binaries that erase the Global South: On Communicative Inversions and the invitation to Vijay Prashad in Aotearoa

When I learned through my activist networks that the public intellectual Vijay Prashad was coming to Aotearoa, I was filled with joy. In my early years in the U.S., when learning the basics of the struggle against the fascist forces of Hindutva, I came in conversation with Vijay's work. Two of his critical interventions, the book, The Karma of Brown Folk , and the journal article " The protean forms of Yankee Hindutva " co-authored with Biju Matthew and published in Ethnic and Racial Studies shaped my early activism. These pieces of work are core readings in understanding the workings of Hindutva fascism and how it mobilizes cultural tropes to serve fascist agendas. Much later, I felt overjoyed learning about his West Bengal roots and his actual commitment to the politics of the Left, reflected in the organising of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), a political register that shaped much of my earliest lessons around Global South resistance, collectivization, and orga...

Libertarianism, the Free Speech Union, and the Life of Disinformation

The rise of the far-right globally is intertwined with the globally networked power of libertarian think tanks, funded at the base by the global extractive industries . In this blog post, through an analysis of the disinformation-based campaign I have personally experienced since October 2023 mobilised by the communicative ecosystem of the Free Speech Union (FSU), I will attend to the lifecycle of disinformation in libertarian networks, arguing that the disinformation ecosystem is invested in upholding both white supremacy and extractive capital. The FSU’s investment in disinformation I argue that the FSU is invested in producing and circulating disinformation. In response to my analysis of the hypocrisy of the Free Speech Union (FSU) that positions itself as a champion of free speech in Aotearoa while one of its co-founders, council members and spokespersons David Cumin (who is also one of the key actors representing Israel Institute of New Zealand) actively targets the freedom of a...

Zionist hate mongering, the race/terror trope, and the Free Speech Union: Part 1

March 15, 2019. It was a day of terror. Unleashed by a white supremacist far-right terrorist. Driven by hate for brown people. Driven by Islamophobic hate. Earlier in the day, I had come across a hate-based hit piece targeting me, alongside other academics, the University of Auckland academic Professor Nicholas Rowe , Professor Richard Jackson at Otago University, Professor Kevin P Clements at Otago University, Dr. Rose Martin from University of Auckland and Dr. Nigel Parsons at Massey University.  Titled, "More extremists in New Zealand Universities," the article threw in the labels "terror sympathisers" and "extremist views." Written by one David Cumin and hosted on the website of the Israel Institute of New Zealand, the article sought to create outrage that academics critical of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid are actually employed by universities in New Zealand. Figure 1: The web post written by David Cumin on the site of Israel Institute ...