Skip to main content

Thoughts on the tensions in participatory social change processes

This week’s readings center on the importance of participatory social change strategies, the inherent tensions, and its potentials for social transformation. In the opening section of Chapter 9 of Communicating Social Change, Dutta (2011) draws upon Habermas’s (1989) concept of “openness, dialogue, and inclusiveness” as important tenets in participatory social change processes. The assumption is that such openness creates equal opportunities for community members to deliberate on a relevant issue to them.
Drawing from the dynamics in our Hunger and Food Insecurity Coalition community project thus far, I am wondering how inclusive a participatory social change process can be. For instance, there are active and passive community members in the coalition. At our last meeting for instance, community members suggested having a “face for their proposed campaign against stigma” often associated with the hungry and food insecure. According to the community members, such person must be vocal, passionate and dedicated to their cause. In a sense, the face of the campaign will exemplify their leader. My concern is that if such move is operationalized, and the single individual becomes the spokesperson, be it a celebrity, or notable individual in the community, will this be considered inclusive? I am struggling with such concept, because to me it sounds more like the Diffusion of Innovation that involves the use of opinion leaders to diffuse an innovation, a concept that has come under heavy criticism by participatory scholars on the grounds that it negates the agentic decision making powers of community members. According to postcolonial and subaltern studies scholars, such elitist approach erases the voices of the subaltern from discursive space. My worry is that will such “face representation” by a single individual not antithetical to the goals and objectives of participation? Is such approach not similar to strategies used by social marketing campaign planners criticized for its top-down nature? As I ponder over the concept of spokesperson for the hunger project, I ask the following question:

1. Will the hungry and food insecure unconsciously erase its own voice from the discursive space by using a spokesperson?
2. Also given the tensions in participatory processes which Dutta eloquently captures in the chapter, I ask, is equal or inclusive representation feasible? If not, what is the way forward?
I am also wondering if the cyclical process in participatory decision making is strength or a drawback of participatory processes.
Empowerment
I am also weary of the empowerment based framework that purports to “empower” community members as a strategy to encourage their participation in social change processes. I think that there is a delicate balance between empowerment and marginalization. Given our previous conversation on symbolic representation and meaning, the word empowerment connotes unequal relationship between the “expert” knower, and the community as infant to be empowered. Again, I ask, is such bifurcation not antithetical to the tenets of participatory social change model?

Popular posts from this blog

The whiteness of binaries that erase the Global South: On Communicative Inversions and the invitation to Vijay Prashad in Aotearoa

When I learned through my activist networks that the public intellectual Vijay Prashad was coming to Aotearoa, I was filled with joy. In my early years in the U.S., when learning the basics of the struggle against the fascist forces of Hindutva, I came in conversation with Vijay's work. Two of his critical interventions, the book, The Karma of Brown Folk , and the journal article " The protean forms of Yankee Hindutva " co-authored with Biju Matthew and published in Ethnic and Racial Studies shaped my early activism. These pieces of work are core readings in understanding the workings of Hindutva fascism and how it mobilizes cultural tropes to serve fascist agendas. Much later, I felt overjoyed learning about his West Bengal roots and his actual commitment to the politics of the Left, reflected in the organising of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), a political register that shaped much of my earliest lessons around Global South resistance, collectivization, and orga...

Libertarianism, the Free Speech Union, and the Life of Disinformation

The rise of the far-right globally is intertwined with the globally networked power of libertarian think tanks, funded at the base by the global extractive industries . In this blog post, through an analysis of the disinformation-based campaign I have personally experienced since October 2023 mobilised by the communicative ecosystem of the Free Speech Union (FSU), I will attend to the lifecycle of disinformation in libertarian networks, arguing that the disinformation ecosystem is invested in upholding both white supremacy and extractive capital. The FSU’s investment in disinformation I argue that the FSU is invested in producing and circulating disinformation. In response to my analysis of the hypocrisy of the Free Speech Union (FSU) that positions itself as a champion of free speech in Aotearoa while one of its co-founders, council members and spokespersons David Cumin (who is also one of the key actors representing Israel Institute of New Zealand) actively targets the freedom of a...

Zionist hate mongering, the race/terror trope, and the Free Speech Union: Part 1

March 15, 2019. It was a day of terror. Unleashed by a white supremacist far-right terrorist. Driven by hate for brown people. Driven by Islamophobic hate. Earlier in the day, I had come across a hate-based hit piece targeting me, alongside other academics, the University of Auckland academic Professor Nicholas Rowe , Professor Richard Jackson at Otago University, Professor Kevin P Clements at Otago University, Dr. Rose Martin from University of Auckland and Dr. Nigel Parsons at Massey University.  Titled, "More extremists in New Zealand Universities," the article threw in the labels "terror sympathisers" and "extremist views." Written by one David Cumin and hosted on the website of the Israel Institute of New Zealand, the article sought to create outrage that academics critical of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid are actually employed by universities in New Zealand. Figure 1: The web post written by David Cumin on the site of Israel Institute ...