Skip to main content

Initial thoughts on food insecurity and food policy

After doing quite a bit of scholarly reading to start off the first week of my independent study on food policy, I’m now starting to sense the complexity involved in tackling the problem of food insecurity. The problem is widespread and has a variety of health-related outcomes that pose an increasing threat to our health system. One particular statistic noted that for those who meet federal poverty guidelines, 35% identify as food insecure. With a variety of definitions of “food insecurity” floating around in the academic literature and policy venues, it is a bit difficult to know exactly what this means. A number of articles made reference to social capital and community connectedness as significant factors influencing food insecurity, and while I remember talking about this construct in my public health class and in prior blog postings, I also remember recognizing that operationalizing social capital can be extremely difficult. In similar light, I was pleased with the Larson & Story (2011) literature review that I read that noted that studies are increasingly examining the potential influence of local availability of retail food stores and farmers’ markets, access to public transportation, social capital, and family structure as interconnected determinants of food insecurity. Bernell, Weber, and Edwards (2006) also highlight this notion in their piece, which was my favorite read. They suggest that there are 3 primary levels of determinants of food insecurity: household level (personal choices about marriage or child bearing that increase vulnerability), state level (wages, unemployment, costs of living), and federal level (federally funded programs, like food stamps). However, less considered in the research and an area to which I’d like to devote my own attention, is that of community level factors, like county-level economic opportunity, social programs, and conditions that lead to food insecurity. I agree with these authors that food insecurity is much more than a problem arising from individual choices. The local community food security infrastructure, which includes elements like housing and social support, significantly affects the likelihood of families experiencing food insecurity. Pulling all of these levels apart to understand how they interplay is a daunting task, though.

More broadly, I have a number of thoughts as I begin my work for this summer’s independent, particularly in consideration of the work that I’m doing on another CCA-related grant project related to African Americans and heart health. After being exposed to the tribulations and rewards of working with community stakeholders in an under-privileged setting, as part of a project much farther along on the community sustainability continuum than where we left off with the “voices of hunger” project, I’ve grown extremely anxious to see what could come of our coalition-building efforts with the food insecure in this area. I see similarities in how the problem of heart health in the African American population from Lake and Marion county and food insecurity here in Tippecanoe county are discursively framed and positioned by those experiencing the marginalization and those working with the marginalized. Just like the community organizers in the heart health project, Food Finders employees must actively manage their roles as liaisons among multiple stakeholders that often have conflicting wants and needs when it comes to project initiation and development. Similarly, however, I also feel a sense of true passion and commitment from these individuals to improving the lives of those around them. Both the food insecure and the marginalized African Americans share stories of access barriers, under-managed policies, and disenfranchisement in the spaces where their voices have a right to be heard. In this, I’m growing increasingly fond of the quote by Margaret Mead, “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the world.”

Popular posts from this blog

The whiteness of binaries that erase the Global South: On Communicative Inversions and the invitation to Vijay Prashad in Aotearoa

When I learned through my activist networks that the public intellectual Vijay Prashad was coming to Aotearoa, I was filled with joy. In my early years in the U.S., when learning the basics of the struggle against the fascist forces of Hindutva, I came in conversation with Vijay's work. Two of his critical interventions, the book, The Karma of Brown Folk , and the journal article " The protean forms of Yankee Hindutva " co-authored with Biju Matthew and published in Ethnic and Racial Studies shaped my early activism. These pieces of work are core readings in understanding the workings of Hindutva fascism and how it mobilizes cultural tropes to serve fascist agendas. Much later, I felt overjoyed learning about his West Bengal roots and his actual commitment to the politics of the Left, reflected in the organising of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), a political register that shaped much of my earliest lessons around Global South resistance, collectivization, and orga...

Libertarianism, the Free Speech Union, and the Life of Disinformation

The rise of the far-right globally is intertwined with the globally networked power of libertarian think tanks, funded at the base by the global extractive industries . In this blog post, through an analysis of the disinformation-based campaign I have personally experienced since October 2023 mobilised by the communicative ecosystem of the Free Speech Union (FSU), I will attend to the lifecycle of disinformation in libertarian networks, arguing that the disinformation ecosystem is invested in upholding both white supremacy and extractive capital. The FSU’s investment in disinformation I argue that the FSU is invested in producing and circulating disinformation. In response to my analysis of the hypocrisy of the Free Speech Union (FSU) that positions itself as a champion of free speech in Aotearoa while one of its co-founders, council members and spokespersons David Cumin (who is also one of the key actors representing Israel Institute of New Zealand) actively targets the freedom of a...

Zionist hate mongering, the race/terror trope, and the Free Speech Union: Part 1

March 15, 2019. It was a day of terror. Unleashed by a white supremacist far-right terrorist. Driven by hate for brown people. Driven by Islamophobic hate. Earlier in the day, I had come across a hate-based hit piece targeting me, alongside other academics, the University of Auckland academic Professor Nicholas Rowe , Professor Richard Jackson at Otago University, Professor Kevin P Clements at Otago University, Dr. Rose Martin from University of Auckland and Dr. Nigel Parsons at Massey University.  Titled, "More extremists in New Zealand Universities," the article threw in the labels "terror sympathisers" and "extremist views." Written by one David Cumin and hosted on the website of the Israel Institute of New Zealand, the article sought to create outrage that academics critical of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid are actually employed by universities in New Zealand. Figure 1: The web post written by David Cumin on the site of Israel Institute ...