Skip to main content

Examining rural health disparity through the lens of communicative marginalization

Reading Dutta’s chapter on marginalization reinforced my views about the disenfranchisement of those living in particular rural communities and forced me to probe my understanding of the nature of their health disparity further than what I had before. In discussing the mechanisms that lead to marginalization, I was left questioning, in what ways are rural individuals cast towards the margins? Is the marginalized based on access to health information resources? Equitable health care? Resources for engaging in positive health behaviors (such as farmer’s markets or exercise facilities)? Educational avenues for furthering one’s ability to be employed and out of poverty? Or, is the marginalization more closely related to the inability of the rural citizen to participate in the discursive space where policy decisions are made?

Ultimately, all of these questions could be answer with the affirmative. Disentangling their individual impact, however, would be exponentially difficult. Broadly, many forms of structural inequity and the unequal distribution of resources contribute to the health disparity experienced by those living in rural areas. While my home community seems to possess a sufficient amount of social capital, furthered through the joining of all youth at one centralized middle/high school, a number of churches, and recognizable avenues for social interaction, there is a paucity of enacted social support networks or health information resources that serve the entire rural community rather than just one subset within. Because these smaller entities lack the resources (both materially and motivationally) to mobilize beyond their small realm and enact significant changes, the greater disparity of the community is masked by their presence.

There are few community-centralized entities set into place with the purpose of aiding all rurally disadvantaged citizens in this area. Dutta suggests that the marginalized are often spoken for by others, and that much of communication that does take place in context of marginalization is top-down, flowing from discursive spaces at the center to marginalized locales of underserved societies. Through my participation as a member in one of these entities, a health “coalition” aimed at addressing the health disparities experienced in my home rural community, I see this form of communicative marginalization occurring frequently. Individuals are selectively chosen to be a part of this coalition, including local health professionals, individuals associated with the Chamber of Commerce, local government officials, school employees, and those working at the community foundation. Not one member is a part of the general population of rural citizens actually experiencing the disparity. From the powerful, all-knowing perspective these individuals tout, they reinforce further marginalization of those without access. Policies and programs are crafted without the consideration of one marginalized voice (process-based marginalization), and the “general” community rural citizen is positioned as backwards, traditional, conservative, and unwilling to change, thus in need of intervention (message-based marginalization).

Basu and Dutta suggest that participation is not merely a matter of going to ready-made platforms that fit the dominant agenda, such as crafting a power-wielding “health coalition” for the betterment of a community’s health programs and services, but rather is embodied in creating alternative structures that challenge the basic inequities and injustices bred by the mainstream structures. Rather than relying on top-down structures as mechanism for enacting change, spaces must be opened for dialogue with, and not for, the marginalized.

Popular posts from this blog

The whiteness of binaries that erase the Global South: On Communicative Inversions and the invitation to Vijay Prashad in Aotearoa

When I learned through my activist networks that the public intellectual Vijay Prashad was coming to Aotearoa, I was filled with joy. In my early years in the U.S., when learning the basics of the struggle against the fascist forces of Hindutva, I came in conversation with Vijay's work. Two of his critical interventions, the book, The Karma of Brown Folk , and the journal article " The protean forms of Yankee Hindutva " co-authored with Biju Matthew and published in Ethnic and Racial Studies shaped my early activism. These pieces of work are core readings in understanding the workings of Hindutva fascism and how it mobilizes cultural tropes to serve fascist agendas. Much later, I felt overjoyed learning about his West Bengal roots and his actual commitment to the politics of the Left, reflected in the organising of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), a political register that shaped much of my earliest lessons around Global South resistance, collectivization, and orga...

Zionist hate mongering, the race/terror trope, and the Free Speech Union: Part 1

March 15, 2019. It was a day of terror. Unleashed by a white supremacist far-right terrorist. Driven by hate for brown people. Driven by Islamophobic hate. Earlier in the day, I had come across a hate-based hit piece targeting me, alongside other academics, the University of Auckland academic Professor Nicholas Rowe , Professor Richard Jackson at Otago University, Professor Kevin P Clements at Otago University, Dr. Rose Martin from University of Auckland and Dr. Nigel Parsons at Massey University.  Titled, "More extremists in New Zealand Universities," the article threw in the labels "terror sympathisers" and "extremist views." Written by one David Cumin and hosted on the website of the Israel Institute of New Zealand, the article sought to create outrage that academics critical of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid are actually employed by universities in New Zealand. Figure 1: The web post written by David Cumin on the site of Israel Institute ...

Upper caste Indian women in the diaspora, DEI, and the politics of hate

Figure 1: Trump, Vance and their partners responding to the remarks by Mariann Edgar Budde   Emergent from the struggles of the civil rights movement , led by African Americans , organized against the oppressive history of settler colonialism and slavery that forms the backbone of US society, structures around diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) formed an integral role in forging spaces for diverse recognition and representation.  These struggles around affirmative action, diversity, equity and inclusion were at the heart of the changes to white only immigration policies, building pathways for migration of diverse peoples from the Global South.  The changes to the immigration policies created opportunities for Indians to migrate to the US, with a rise of Indian immigration into the US since the 1970s into educational institutions, research and development infrastructures, and technology-finance infrastructures. These migratory structures into the US were leveraged by l...