Skip to main content

Of Safety Pins and Solidarities


In the post-Trump U.S., following from post-Brexit U.K., the safety pin has emerged as a symbolic declaration of solidarity, the declaration of a safe space.

In the face of the rise of bigotry and hatred in public discourse, the safety pin signals a clarion call to stand by those in U.S. society feeling the brunt of the climate of intolerance. We could certainly use more solidarity at this juncture of U.S. history.

Wearing a safety pin is also a material marker of standing by the marginalized in public spaces, where bigotry has been making its appearance.

As much as the symbolic show of safety pins points toward an entry point for solidarity, it is important interrogate the symbolic nature of solidarity.

The sudden expression of solidarity marked by an event (election of a bigot as the President of the U.S. whose campaign has anchored itself in a narrative of hate) declares that event as the moment of crisis. The marking of the election as a crisis moment obfuscates the histories of on-going racism experienced by people of colour.

The narration of the election as the moment of crisis does violence to the lived experiences of the many communities of colour who have lived with the violence of racism in the U.S. on a daily basis.

The safety pin as a liberal marker of solidarity also obfuscates the very racism that underlies liberalism and liberal notions of multiculturalism.

The liberal White feminist whose heart is bleeding for the brown Muslim man today is also the one that four years back looked at the Muslim man and branded him as chauvinist.

The show of solidarity in such instances does not really perform the difficult act of solidarity, of "being with," instead working quickly as another marker of identity politics, as a self-affirming branding tool like the "Pink Ribbon."

If solidarity were to truly work, if my White friends who feel so angry about the racist U.S. were to truly feel an opening for the racisms that people of colour witness, they might begin by simply listening to the many marginalized voices that express scepticism toward the displays of solidarity.

To feel solidarity is to first and foremost sit back and listen, to allow oneself to experience the pain and suffering that mark the lives of the underprivileged. To find solidarity is to begin with patience, patience with being challenged, patience with one's privilege being critically interrogated.

To articulate solidarity is to fundamentally recognize the impossibilities of solidarity amidst inequality that marks everyday life.

Unless you want your safety pin to simply be your self-branding tool, listen.

Listen to the voices of the margins that stand witness. Listen to the voices of the margins that express scepticism at your white liberal performance of solidarity.

  

Popular posts from this blog

Zionist hate mongering, the race/terror trope, and the Free Speech Union: Part 1

March 15, 2019. It was a day of terror. Unleashed by a white supremacist far-right terrorist. Driven by hate for brown people. Driven by Islamophobic hate. Earlier in the day, I had come across a hate-based hit piece targeting me, alongside other academics, the University of Auckland academic Professor Nicholas Rowe , Professor Richard Jackson at Otago University, Professor Kevin P Clements at Otago University, Dr. Rose Martin from University of Auckland and Dr. Nigel Parsons at Massey University.  Titled, "More extremists in New Zealand Universities," the article threw in the labels "terror sympathisers" and "extremist views." Written by one David Cumin and hosted on the website of the Israel Institute of New Zealand, the article sought to create outrage that academics critical of Israeli settler colonialism and apartheid are actually employed by universities in New Zealand. Figure 1: The web post written by David Cumin on the site of Israel Institute

Whiteness, NCA, and Distinguished Scholars

In a post made in response to the changes to how my discipline operates made by the Executive Committee of the largest organization of the discipline, the National Communication Association (NCA), one of the editors of a disciplinary journal Rhetoric and Public Affairs (RPA), Professor Martin J. Medhurst, a Distinguished Scholar of the discipline, calls out what he sees as the threat of identity (see below for his full piece published in the journal that he has edited for 20+ years, with 2019 SJR score of 0.27). In what he notes is a threat to the "scholarly merit" of the discipline, Professor Medhurst sets up a caricature of what he calls "identity." In his rhetorical construction of the struggles the NCA has faced over the years to find Distinguished Scholars of colour, he shares with us the facts. So let's look at the facts presented by this rhetor. It turns out, as a member of the Distinguished Scholar community of the NCA, Mr. Medhurst has problems wit

Disinformation, Zionist propaganda, and free speech: Far right cancel culture

Thursday October 12, 2023. The settler colonial occupation had unleashed its infrastructure of violence over the Palestinian people over a period of five days. Gaza was being indiscriminately bombarded, with mass civilian casualties that Amnesty International noted " must be investigated as war crimes ." At 3:32 p.m., my office phone rang. I was occupied and the call went to the voicemail. "Dutta, you are a murderous, f***ing, racist c***. Go back to where you belong...I will see to your termination in New Zealand." A couple of hours before that, an email had gone out from the Zionist Dane Giraud to the email listserv of the Free Speech Union, performed as a supposed apology for attacking my academic freedom. In the email, Giraud referred to my earlier b log post on the interlinkages between far-right Zionism, attacks on academic freedom, and the free speech union, noting how he had been enraged by the following statement on my blog: "I was therefore not surpri