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An aggregated profile of a Sanghi loser: Disasters, hate, and Hindutva extremists

Figure 1: The techno capitalist losers that form the networked infrastructure of Hindutva

The Sanghi is the definition of loser

Loser, is "a person who is incompetent or unable to succeed."

I have argued in previous work that the extremist ideology of Hindutva is networked globally by an information infrastructure of financial and technological capital.
 
Engineering students, techies, coders, and night shift call workers make up the software and hardware that produce and mainstream Hindutva hate.
 
The Sanghi hate producer is your definition of the term loser, having failed in life and mostly stuck in a rut in India's stagnant economy, playing call center functions for global techno-capital. Techno-capital, with its spurious designations and seductive naming of positions that mean nothing, propel this infrastructure of hate, based on disinformation, continual production of lies, and an ecosystem based on lies. 

Bereft of a moral axis, the Sanghi loser knows and perfects the art of lying. She knows the Islamophobic bile she spreads and draws pleasure in spreading the bile. A casual Islamophobic statement or a joke based on Islamophobic hate is part of the everyday banter.
 
Her participation in the infrastructure of hate grows from the deep sense of nothingness, at not having an identity at all. 

In this sense, the techie Sanghi loser is in perpetual search for visual and material markers of identity, beach vacations, shopping sprees, serial flings, and designer bags, captured in platform moments. 

These material markers of show, drawn from the capitalist excesses of extreme neoliberalism, and driven by unfettered and immoral greed, are carefully put together to masquerade the emptiness of identity that drives the Sanghi loser. 

The Sanghi loser is disaster

Disaster, noun, "a person or thing that is a complete failure."

The Sanghi loser is the case study definition of a disaster, a complete failure. The loser as complete failure however perfects the art of gaslighting, dressing up this failure in the language of success, achievement, and mobility. 

The loser's skills at faking it work through a web of carefully crafted communicative inversions. 

The Sanghi's image is packaged to communicate a message of success, communicatively inverting the actual disaster the loser is. Further, the work of "faking it" works through continual downplaying of the actual empirical markers of life. Activists, academics, intellectuals and organizers challenging the hate politics of Hindutva by speaking truth to power are marked and defined as disasters, their courageous activism against fascist power is portrayed as disaster in Sanghi propaganda. 

If you stand up for India's dalits, Muslims, and other marginalized communities, you become a loser or disaster in Sanghi propaganda. Consider here the narrative of "urban naxals" deployed by category exemplars of disaster, Vivek Agnihotri, Arnab Goswami et al. to target dissenting voices challenging Hindutva's hate politics.

The easy-to-grab markers of neoliberal success through lies, deception, and propaganda, juxtaposed in the backdrop of the actual position of playing servile third-world data aggregators for global techno-capital, insulted every day by the hierarchy of whiteness of U.S. capital, shape the Sanghi loser's participation in hate politics. 

The dark spaces of everyday immoralities, narrated as ongoing deceptions and normalized as neoliberal excesses, legitimize through cascading effects, the extremist hate politics of Hindutva. 

Take the example of the then-18-year-old woman Shweta Singh, a prime suspect behind the Bulli Bai conspiracy in 2022 in which photos of several prominent Muslim women were posted for virtual auction on an app, without their consent. A student preparing for engineering exams, Shweta was using a fake Twitter handle with the name JattKhalsa07, posting extremist, often sexually violent hate content targeting Muslims, specifically Muslim women. Shweta was part of an extremist network cell working through multiple layers of decision-making and directions to post hate-based Islamophobic messages and images. She served as an extremist intermediary, sending out instructions to lower-level tech workers in the hate industry, morphing, editing, and uploading images of Muslim women.

Shweta Singh and her extremist collaborators are all less-than-average engineering students who seek mobility in the proliferating infrastructures of third and fourth-grade engineering institutions that have sprung up across India. For this category of losers with below mediocre grades, the neoliberal tech sectors offer the promise of mobility and career. As losers, they form the infrastructure of the disaster that is extremist Hindutva. As disasters, insignificant, shallow, and subhuman, their immorality and greed, the desire to earn money at any cost to show off markers of success on Insta platforms, drives the terrorism of Hindutva. 




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